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1952年高校院系调整(2010)
in 文章收藏(文化) with 30 comments

1952年高校院系调整(2010)

in 文章收藏(文化) with 30 comments

“——为什么中国没有世界一流大学?”“——为什么当代中国出不了大师?”

这是如今很时髦的两个问题,解读众说纷纭,角度千奇百怪——从时代上看如何如何,从社会方面诠释如何如何,从人的角度说如何如何,不一而足。而往往说到最后,总而论之,曰:体制问题。

是体制问题的原因吗?恐怕不能说明一切。但探究新中国的大学“体制”无疑是回答这两个问题的一把很好的钥匙。而恰好,新中国的高等教育建设有一个“总”的“体制问题”:1952年院系调整。这次“苏联经验”“延安经验”指导的大变化,其深远影响在今天也能够清楚感受得到。

[概况]高校教育体制向苏联靠拢

告别 “美国模式”的民国高等教育

近代中国的高等教育,发端于晚清:从公派留学生赴美,到美籍传教士丁韪良担任京师大学堂总教习,再到用庚子赔款建立的留美预备学校和几所教会大学,可以说中国的高等教育很早就打上了浓重的美国色彩。

这种教育的特点,即所谓的“博雅教育”,用现在的话说,其实就是素质教育,“美国模式”办的大学大多注重培养学生的综合素质,强调自由、独立发展。民国时期,这种精英导向的大学人才培养方针结出了许多硕果,而毫无疑问,这种模式很容易被打上诸如“精英”“个人主义”“少数人享有”等标签。

1949年中国翻天覆地的大变化,让美国文化在中国的地位岌岌可危。但在撤离中国之际,自信的美国人却也留下了一段余音。美国国务卿艾奇逊在《中美关系白皮书》称:“其固有之深邃文化和民主个人主义,终将重新发挥其力量,而将其外部桎梏扫荡无余”。面对挑衅,毛泽东丝毫不客气的将“民主个人主义”打上“份子”或“拥护者”的复数字样,决心全面清除美国文化在中国的影响,美国模式的“博雅教育”,在49年之后,注定要走向终结。

外交“一边倒”,教育模式也“一边倒”

取而代之的,自然是苏联模式。作为成功打胜二战、正在不断崛起的社会主义工业化大国,老大哥苏联给新中国领导人呈现了一幅美妙的崛起道路——在国家的强制力量下,在计划经济的指令管理下,人们像机器上的螺丝钉班各司其职,很快就能实现社会化大生产,见证社会主义工业神奇的力量。

为此,国家需要大量的工科技术人才,教育的重心放在与经济建设直接相关的高等教育,尤其是工程和科学技术教育上;教育计划与国民经济建设计划紧密相连,按产业部门、行来甚至按产品设立学院、系科和专业(例如拖拉机学院、坦克系等等),确定招生和学生分配;本家对高等教育实行垄断,学生全部免费。简而言之,这是一种培养“专家”的教育体制。这种体制,还被打上了“民族的”、“公平的”、“大众的”等标签。

在共产党刚刚执政的时候,对这种图景还是持一种非常谨慎的态度,高校教育制度要改,但要慢慢来。但正如农业合作化和工商业社会主义改造的突然疾进一样,随着抗美援朝和苏联来华专家的到位,随着领导们对自己党办的中国人民大学和哈尔滨工业大学信心满满的增长,高校改革突然就由和风细雨变为狂风骤雨,一往无前的在1952年开展起来。

[影响]绝无仅有的院系调整:工科院校与综合性大学比例严重失衡

面目全非的改造

经过小范围的院系调整试验后,中央教育部于1951 年11 月召开了全国工学院院长会议,拟订了全国工学院院系调整方案,揭开了1952 年全国院系大调整的序幕。52 年秋季,中央教育部在高等学校教师思想改造的基础上,根据以“培养工业建设人才和师资为重点、发展专门学院、整顿和加强综合大学的方针”为原则,在全国范围内进行了高等学校的院系调整工作,调整于1953年结束。

经过调整后,不仅许多高等学校被分拆,全国高校数量由52年之前的211所下降到53年后的183所,更重要的是,52年以前的那些著名高等院校,几乎经历了面目全非的结构改造。

以南京大学为例:调整前的南京大学有文、理、工、农、医、法、师范等7 个学院共35 个系,经过这场伤筋动骨的院系调整后仅保留了文、理方面的13 个系,并且严格分成文科和理科,南京大学由一个综合性大学变成了虽然名义上叫综合性大学实际上却是比较严格意义上的类似欧美的文理学院,其他的12 所综合大学也大体如此。

调整中的高校人才流动比例,在世界科学史、教育史上绝无仅有

学者沈登苗曾以90年代中科院编纂的《中国现代科学家传记》收录的中国科学家作为研究对象,考察了52年院系调整前后这些著名科学家的分布和去向,结果如下表:

43943315.jpg

从中可看出,院系调整后原在高校的314名科学家留本校任教的仅82人,只占总数的26%;调离原校的有232人,占总数的74%。即代表每个学校的精英有近四分之三被调离本校。如此的调动幅度恐怕在世界科学史、教育史上是绝无仅有的。而且,越是原先有名的院校越被拆的惨。以清华浙大为例作说明:

清华:院系调整前,清华大学的现代科学家首屈一指,且其人文学科的力量也不弱,理当是国内最牛且应被最看好的大学。但在这次调整中,原本拥有的65位收录的科学家被调走了52个,仅仅留下了六分之一!从此清华元气大伤,也成为了一个纯粹的工科专门学院。

浙大:建国初年,浙大集合了苏步青、陈建功、王淦昌等著名教授,师资队伍整齐又强大,尤以理学院论,“是全国第一流的”。然而这次调整中,原本拥有的26位收录的科学家居然被调走了24个,调出率高达95%,而一个都没调进来。处于巅峰状态的浙大,就这样被肢解了。

高校彻底“苏联化”

院系调整之所以能够“雷厉风行”,是整个意识形态及社会氛围在支撑,包括大学里的思想整顿,也包括不容置疑的“向苏联学习”。前教育部副部长王明达回忆说:“我们那时候的大学生政治热情非常高,很活泼,每天准时起床睡觉,会参加一小时的身体锻炼,还有生产劳动。我们那时候的教育目标一个是要求政治正确,一个是着重培养专业人才——学习苏联培养重工业人才,还有一个就是要生产劳动。喜欢看的书都是讲革命的进步的书籍,必看的有《毛选》和《中国青年》。”

经过调整后,“私立高校全部改为公立,各院校的性质和任务均较前明确,工科院校得到了发展,综合大学得到了整顿,这样使高等学校在院系设置上基本符合国家建设的需要。” ——所谓的符合需要就是:多学科的综合性大学在高校中所占的比重,由1949年的23.9% 降至1952年的10.9%。一大批历史悠久的优秀的综合性大学失去了应有的价值和地位,被改为工科院校。而随着各地新设工科院校的增多,1986年,这一比例更跌至4.3%。“向苏联学习”得到了彻底的贯彻。

[案例]“资产阶级性质”的人文学科遭遇冬天——以社会学为例

人文学科的原罪

前述以科学家为代表的人才流动调整,还仅仅是挪这或者挪那的伤筋动骨。而对于人文社会学科来讲,52年院系调整则不啻为一场灾难。

作为“美国模式”影响下天然容易成长的人文学科,在民国期间,中国的这些学科的发育程度已经相当不错,产出了一批有相当影响和水准的学者,历史学、哲学、社会学都不乏人才,比起当时中国理工科学者在世界上的地位要高得多。但受“英美自由主义”影响的人文类知识分子,不仅因中美关系的恶劣而要遭清除,更是与马克思主义的意识形态格格不入,“资产阶级”性质的非马克思主义体系的那些人文学科命运可想而知。其中的社会学则遭遇了“灭顶之灾”。

社会学学者带着枷锁的挣扎

民国时期的社会学,因为与英美教会大学关系紧密,接受其捐助进行研究,建国后一开始就有了原罪。抗美援朝后,费孝通、雷洁琼、严景耀及潘光旦等社会学者,分别发表了批判美国的文章,以及检讨自己为什么不仇美,但却过不了关。而在课程方面,他们则要上“辩证唯物论与历史唯物论”等与其本身观点格格不入的课程,而在土改运动中,这些社会学家更是要亲身参与土改,以明白他们的理论错在什么地方。到后来,费孝通、陶孟等人竭力反思自己的观点,却仍然逃脱不掉社会学系被全部砍掉的命运。而主要的原因,仅仅是因为苏联人不认可。

苏联顾问一锤定音——费孝通苦求毛泽东受挫

苏联顾问阿尔辛捷也夫是这么说的:“为什么要设这一‘系’或不设那一‘系’,这从什么角度来考察呢?只能从‘系’的任务即以培养哪种人才为设‘系’的出发点来考察有些‘系’的任务很明确.一看就知道它负有培养哪种人才的任务.但也有些‘系’的任务尚欠明确……什么叫作社会学?在科学的领域内根本就没有这种科学,如果它以社会为研究对象。那应该是历史唯物论的任务。社会学这个名词是不能成立的,在我们的大学里不应该有两种思想并存。我们在资产阶级的所谓社会学与历史唯物论之间,只能取其一。”尔后,社会学整个专业就面临取消了。

据张冠生记载,当费孝通在中南海的一个会场上当面向毛泽东谏言,甚至苦苦哀求,希望不要让社会学断子绝孙,多少留一个种,留点苗苗时,据费孝通回忆说,当时,毛泽东的手势和语气都非常干脆:不能留,坚决断子绝孙!

1953 年底,作为一个学科的社会学在中国大陆上彻底消失。原先的社会学学者,吴文藻、潘光旦、吴泽霖及费孝通去中央民族学院。陈达、吴景超、李景汉、赵承信等先去中央财经学院,后到中国人民大学。孙本文到南京大学地理系任教;史国衡则完全脱离了教学岗位,在清华大学担任总务工作。

[探究]院系调整的深层原因:推广“延安经验”

最大限度地拆散民国大学体系

人文学科因与马列主义意识形态的冲突遭到打压可以理解,但前文提到的理工科学家为何要如此折腾,除去要符合苏联化的教育模式外,也跟“延安经验”的推广有关,即对知识分子进行改造。在“阶级斗争”的宏大叙事框架里,民国造就的知识分子自然地被打上“小资产阶级”的烙印。而最大限度地拆散民国留下的大学、最大限度地拆散民国留下的大学各科系、最大限度地拆散民国留下的大学各科系的教师,尤其要拆散各名牌大学、重要科系及其骨干教师,“割断了各大学与解放前的历史联系”,或者说“基本割断了原来教授与学校的历史联系”,将大大有利于新政权对知识分子的掌握和驾驭,从而有利于社会主义的建设。

院系调整与“思想改造”

北大校长马寅初于1951年10月23日发表在《人民日报》上的《北京大学教员的政治学习运动》一文中有这样一段话:“必须按照国家的需要,彻底的调整院系,改革课程,改进教学内容与教学方法;而要达到这一目的,一个最主要的关键,就是要.. 自觉自愿地进行了思想改造”。这里清楚揭示了院系调整与50年代初知识分子“思想改造”的关系,而广州的一份院系调整总结里,更是明确指出“在各种工作会议上,我们也反复强调院系调整工作的好坏,是检验思想改造成绩的标准”。

这次与院系调整相结合的对知识分子的“思想改造”,可以算是建国以来历次对知识分子“改造”的第一次行动。但也有不合作者,一九五三年科学院请陈寅恪先生担任中古史研究所所长,陈寅恪提出“允许中古史研究所不宗奉马列主义,并不学习政治”,最终他没有去成。

[结语]为什么当代中国出不了大师

自然科学家都稀缺,何况人文大师?

52年院系调整,从适应我国刚起步的工业化建设来讲,是有着很大意义的。52年全国工科学生的数量,已经是49年以前最高年份数字的三倍。日益发展的工科院校为新中国的工业建设和国防建设提供了大量人才。但恶果也是很明显的——

据沈登苗的统计:被中科院《中国现代科学家传记》收录的科学家中,从1949年后大学毕业成为现代科学家的区区43人,仅占大陆科学家总数603人的7.1%。其中,1949~1952年23人,1953年以后仅20人,占3.3%,而这本传记收录的最晚毕业的科学家是到1962年。

从这个数据可以管窥出,新中国早期在培养顶尖人才的效率方面远不如民国,这其中52年之后又不如52年以前。这还仅仅是自然科学方面,人文学科的培养成果怕是只能用窘迫来形容。中国总是出不了诺贝尔奖,看来不能总是怪罪于西方人的偏见了。

回到开头的问题,“为什么中国没有世界一流大学?”“为什么当代中国出不了大师?”,看看52年苏联化的院系调整,想必读者会有些想法了。

高校改名、合并运动与综合性大学、“博雅教育”的回归

前几年各地院校掀起了改名以及合并运动,例如 “株洲工学院更名为湖南工业大学”、“山东工程学院、淄博学院合并组建山东理工大学”等等,被广泛视作“教育产业化”的行为。但另一方面,这种专业院校升格为大学,单一专业学院合并为综合性大学的做法,其实也是“博雅教育”(即综合教育、素质教育)回归的表现。中国人民大学设物理、化学专业,清华大学大力建设文科,虽然未必能得到广泛认同,但也同样是为了实现这种理念——大学之谓大,不仅仅在于培养出精通某些方面技艺的专业人才,更可贵的是能够培养出具有“独立之精神,自由之思想”的大师。

这里引用一下美国哈佛大学校长德里克·博克在纪念350 周年校庆时的谈话作为本文结尾——“在我们国家的历史上,大学一直有着不平凡的自由,政府官员很少干预州立学校的事务,私人集团也可以建立它们自己的学校。所有学校都在为得到优秀的学生,教师和设备进行激烈而又友好的竞争。我们对这一体制已经如此熟悉,从而认为这都是理所当然的。其实,这是世界上独一无二的,在几乎所有其他国家内,大学严重地依赖政府,并在中央计划下运行。我们这种自由而又分散的体制有着伟大的力量,它允许各自为政的独立学术中心存在,提高了创造力和适应力。由于避免了政府的控制,决策权利就掌握在有识之士的手中,鼓励竞争成了努力进取以超越他人的动力。”

参考资料:李刚《20世纪五十年代初期“院系调整“的历史考察》,载于《南京晓庄学院学报》;沈登苗《打破民国高等教育体系的院系调整》,载于《大学教育科学》;杨东平《中国高等教育的苏联模式》,出自《倾斜的金字塔》;阎明,《社会学是怎样淡出高校的》,中国社会导刊;李杨《五十年代的院系调整与社会变迁》,载于《开放时代》;等等。


转自:共和国辞典008期:52年高校院系调整_腾讯新闻_腾讯网

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